Excerpt from the weekly analytical program on the media,
Chetvertaya Vlast ("Fourth Estate"), January
22, 2000, No. 100
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Coverage
of the First War
Coverage
of the Second War
Interview
on coverage of the Chechen war with Moskovsky Komsomolets'
Julia Kalinina
Anchor Maria Slonim: Initially
Fourth Estate should have aired on the Russian state
channel RTR. But the first, or more exactly, the zero edition of
the show was cut because of a piece on the information war in
Chechnya which the Russian side lost. The first Chechen war had
only recently come to an end, so it was still was a sore spot. Now
the Russian authorities recognize that the first Chechen war was
lost on all fronts. Today they are trying to make up for what was
lost then. We decided to draw an analogy between what happened on
the fronts of the information war then, five years ago, and now.
Tatyana Koroleva tells the story:
Koroleva: It happened five years ago. Today we know that
it was the first Chechen war. Today we know that after the first
one would be the second Chechen war. And nobody knows when it will
end. We know about the present war from official reports. We
learned about the first war from journalists.
Valery Yakov, deputy editor-in-chief of the newspaper
Novie Izvestia:
Then journalists had the opportunity to tell the truth about
events in Chechnya. Then we didn't have to believe the official
propaganda, didn't have to believe the Chechen propaganda - we
could see what really happened with our own eyes.
Vladimir Luskanov, NTV news analyst:
There was a very short period of victory of the freedom of the
press in this country. And if we were able to do something for
that victory, I'm proud.
Koroleva: While generals boasted that our army was fully
prepared, journalists told about hungry, poorly-equipped soldiers.
While the Defense Ministry alleged that our soldiers were like
superheroes, the television showed that they were 18 year-olds who
knew about war only through children games.
Igor Malashenko, first deputy chairman of the board of
directors of Media Most
The media made obvious all of the miscalculations, stupidity,
and even crimes committed in Chechnya.
Koroleva: That war had its rules, but there was no
censorship. Freedom of the press totally smashed the official
propaganda.
Malashenko: There was no censorship as such during the
first Chechen war. There were only some attempts to put pressure
on the press.
Koroleva: The private Russian television station NTV
nearly lost its broadcasting license over its unflattering
coverage of the Chechen war. Russian journalists told the public
that Chechens were not only bearded fighters with green headbands,
but also that the main victims of the bombardments were children,
women, and old people.
Malashenko: During the first Chechen war Russian
journalists had the opportunity to show both sides of the
conflict.
Koroleva: The one side was the federal forces. The other
side was the army of Dzhokhar Dudaev. Today we call Basaev and
Raduev terrorists and gang leaders of bandits. During the first
Chechen war they were called the field-commanders. Journalists
interviewed them, attended their news conferences. And sometimes,
let's be honest, Russian journalists romanticized their images.
Luskanov: Chechen field-commanders no longer have the
trust of journalists that they enjoyed during the first war. Now
they have completely lost our trust.
Koroleva: In order for the public to know the truth
about the war, journalists have to provide balanced coverage.
Balanced coverage cannot be one-sided. During the first Chechen
war this was the general belief among journalists. That is why
they went to gather material from the Chechen side.
Malashenko: In the beginning, Chechen leaders were smart
enough to ensure normal working conditions for Russian journalists
on their side of the frontline.
Koroleva: Journalists died in that war. Sometimes it was
easier to die than to stay alive. Journalists became goods for
trading or selling in that war. This is, without a doubt, the
know- how of the first Chechen war.
Luskanov: It's not our fault. It's the fault of the
people who are responsible for the genocide of 1996-1998, the
genocide of journalists.
Koroleva: In the modern world, information has a high
price. In modern Russia, the price for information is too high. It
is more expensive than money.
Luskanov: Because of the great danger to reporters,
because of the inhuman conditions under which they have to work -
all of these taken together are not worth even a single second of
an interview with Basaev or even with Allah himself.
Anchor Maria Slonim: The
newly-appointed information coordinator of the Russian-Chechen
campaign, Sergei Yastrzhembsky, asserted that censorship on
coverage of the Chechen war would not be introduced. However,
information from the federal side is strictly restricted.
Journalists on the federal side have to work under the strict
control of the Defense Ministry and the Interior Ministry, and we
are not getting the full picture.
Fourth Estate Correspondent Yevgeny Krasnolobov: The
federal forces began yet another storm of Grozny this week, and
even military personnel admit that there is heavy fighting on the
outskirts of the city. Meanwhile, official statistics still report
no more than 3-5 Russian soldier casualties per day. More and more
frequently, journalists are beginning to doubt this information.
The heroic image in the Russian media of the army decisively
attacking, expertly avenging Chechen Islamic terrorists, is
gradually giving way to another more dreary picture. Articles
about hungry soldiers, about the marauding and looting by the
Russian forces, and articles accusing the military command of
understating casualty figures have even begun appearing in
publications usually loyal to the Kremlin.
But nevertheless, official channels assert that no one is
trying to conceal information about Chechnya that would be
unflattering to the authorities.
Mikhail Margelov, head of the Russian Information Center
(Rosinformtsentr)
It doesn't make sense to conceal losses because the truth will
come out anyway; it will come out later and any attempts to hide
it will hit more painfully the prestige of politicians, the
prestige of the army and security bodies.
Krasnolobov: Margelov says that the rumors concerning
low casualty figures are being spread by the TV channels NTV and
TV Center. These channels, according to Margelov, began an
information war against Putin in this presidential election
campaign period. However, NTV denies that it is using the topic of
Chechnya to discredit the acting president.
Vladimir Kulistikov, editor-in-chief of the NTV news
department
We are trying to give our viewers the full picture of what is
happening in Chechnya. But, unfortunately, the official sources
cannot always give us the full picture. That's why we have to use
other sources.
Krasnolobov: According to Kulistikov, this explains
NTV's decision to show the tape shot in Grozny by Radio Liberty
reporter Andrei Babitsky. This caused the Russian government's
Information Center to react angrily. The Center can accept the
fact that mass media doubts official information and figures. But
it considers journalists who make contact with the rebels to be
accomplices of terrorists.
Margelov: In principle, any journalist who has spent
time on the territory taken over by the terrorists should be
interrogated by security organs. I should also mention that
Russian authorities are demonstrating a kind of superliberalism,
because not one of the foreign corespondents, not one of the
Russian freelancers working for western mass media has been
interrogated.
Krasnolobov: We met Andrei Babitsky in the summer, when
Basaev's fighters had just arrived in Dagestan. Now it is
absolutely impossible to catch him at the Moscow office of Radio
Liberty - from the very beginning of the Chechen campaign he has
been working constantly on the Chechen side of the frontline.
However, his colleagues vehemently deny the assertion of the
Russian Information Center that Babitsky is spreading false
information.
Vladimir Baburin, editor-in-chief of the Moscow office of
Radio Liberty
There have been no instances, and I know Andrei since the last
war, of his ever giving unverified information. If he says he
counted ten corpses, it doesn't mean there were ten dead bodies,
there could be many more dead. It means he personally saw at least
ten corpses.
Krasnolobov: It seems that today Babitsky is the only
reporter remaining in Grozny. And although not only the
authorities, but even some journalist colleagues accuse the Radio
Liberty correspondent of a lack of patriotism, no one has yet been
able to refute his reports from Chechnya. Thanks to Babitsky the
world is able to find out what is going on today under the shroud
of fog and smoke in the besieged Chechen capital.
Anchor Maria Slonim: Today, in our
weekly studio interview, we will continue the topic of press
coverage of Chechnya in our conversation with Julia Kalinina of
the newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets.
Slonim: Julia, you covered the first Chechen war and now
you write about coverage of the second war. What is your
impression? Because, it seems to us, I mean to people who only
read about this war and watch it on TV, that something has changed
even in the journalists' approach to this war.
Kalinina: I don't think so. I think the journalists'
approach is the same. I think the way it is covered in the Russian
media has changed. Now we see only the Russian side. We don't see
the other side. And to be honest, I think that's bad. Personally,
I would like to see the whole picture, even if it's really
terrible. I believe a person should have complete information in
order to make the right decision. But the official approach is a
bit different.
Slonim: But now I think something is changing. Every day
the papers give more and more information on what is really going
on in Chechnya. And it seems that the federal side doesn't like
it. Because if people get the truth about the war, it won't look
so heroic.
Kalinina: I think this is the main reason we see such
restricted coverage of the war in the Russian media. Because, even
if you cover the war from the federal side, you can still find
enough evidence showing that the military operation is not going
as smoothly as they say. But journalists have to work in
conditions where they simply cannot give any negative information.
You have to work with the military; you depend on them. Only the
Russian military can get to the frontline. Only they can show you
what you want to see. And if you report in a way that they don't
like, they simply won't take you next time. By the way this is now
the big problem for NTV. I know they are always refused from
getting on military helicopters. Officers just won't give them
interviews. They say: "NTV -no. ORT is O.K. But NTV - no."
Slonim: Right. But we get information from the other
side anyway. Mainly it doesn't even come from journalists; there
are only few journalists, like Andrei Babitsky from Radio Liberty,
working there. The information mostly comes from Chechen
propaganda.
Kalinina: As for Chechen propaganda, thanks to my
experience working during the previous war, (and the people who
are working there are the same), I can sift out what they say. But
we shouldn't trust their propaganda. That's why I appreciate
Andrei Babitsky's work so much. At least he is trying to getting
some of the truth to us.
Slonim: How long will this situation keep up? I mean
from the journalists' point of view. How long will they be able to
conceal what is really going on in Chechnya?
Kalinina: Actually, I don't think it depends on
journalists. It is not in their control. Sure many want to say and
show much more than they do now. Other mechanisms are at work
here. There are mechanisms of control over journalists. And not
even over journalists but over editors and the editorial desks of
newspapers and TV channels. The truth won't get through the way it
should - when journalists just say: "I'm fed up. I'll tell what I
see." This will never happen.
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